Protest in Venezuela
Express Update of the Venezuelan situation (February 25, 2014)
Rafael Uzcátegui (El Libertario newspaper)
The February 21th, we wrote a summary of events for those who are on the outside, oversaturated with information about Venezuela, we needed a chronology of events. It has just 4 days of this story, but there are many new elements that an update is necessary to suggest, that any picture of the Venezuelan reality will change in the next few hours.
The first element that stands out is that the manifestations of government critics have continued to the time of this writing, and doesn't seems to stop in the coming days. Venezuelan culture was characterized by the effort to promote short-term results, no permanence in time, so that the sum of each new day of protest politics, contradict itself this immediacy of "doing" in the country. That is why President Maduro uses as one of its strategies encourage its rapid wear, increasing two more days to holiday carnival that will starts on 27th of February, the day when happens the 25th anniversary of the popular uprising of "El Caracazo" when even tens were killed with total impunity.
A second novelty, as suggested in our previous paper, is that Caracas has ceased to be the epicenter of the national mobilization. On Saturday February 22 both those pro-government and the opposition, made called to march in the city of Caracas, both with large attendance . However, in at least 12 cities of province, some dissident demonstrations were proportionally, as massive as those that were performed in the capital. In the case of the city of San Cristobal, capital of Tachira (border with Colombia); the intensity of the protests and conflicts where were including students, middle class people, and others from popular and rural areas; has led to the militarization of the city being controlled remotely from Caracas. The state governor Jose Vielma Mora, of the ruling party PSUV, publicly criticized the crackdown and called for the release of detainees, and so far, this one has been the first public criticism from a member of the government, of one decision of Nicolas Maduro.
As of this writing, there had been the death of: 15 people in demonstrations or protests related events , 8 of them whose responsibility points to police, military and paramilitary officers, 2 of them victims of " traps " the opposition mounted protests called "guarimba", and the rest by dark events around the demonstrations that should be investigated and clarified (for example, a winding of a 17 years old boy). The reports of the newspaper Ultimas Noticias, supported by pictures and videos circulated on social networks, have forced the Attorney detain officials of the Bolivarian National Guard (GNB ) and the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service ( SEBIN ) to investigate the perpetrating of facts. However, high spokesmen of the National Executive, as the Minister of Communication Delcy Rodriguez and President Maduro continue blaming of all deaths to the opposition. Deserves separate chapter president of the National Assembly Diosdado Cabello, who through his daily program "Pounding with the Hammer", broadcast on state television, makes delusional statements about the causes of the murders.
The "Guarimba" is a strategy that opposition sectors initiated by the end of year 2002. It consists of making a protest, in a place considered "safe", (usually in the vicinity of the homes of the protesters); closing the route with barricades and burned trash or rubbers. The "Guarimba" has several features that differentiate it from other events. One is its symbiotic relationship with the coup and the "oil strike" of 2002, so it is loaded from an insurrectional content, prone to physical confrontation with the security agencies. Second, as a result of the above, repeatedly has been criminalized by the government, thereby being an exclusionary strategy: While pro-government people could join a peaceful demonstration by common requirements, hardly they ever do a " guarimba " . Third, generate a broad rejection within opposition groups themselves, as demonstrated by the mobilization in Caracas February 22, where there were many banners of rejection to "guarimbas" as to the actions of paramilitary groups. As President Nicolas Maduro has stimulated repression to publicly congratulate the performance of GNB, not recognizing state responsibility with fatalities, and institutionally legitimized the actions of paramilitary groups by encouraging the "Popular Commands against coup" has generated a hotbed of indignation that has allowed the emergence of the “guarimbas" with some foci in Caracas and cities throughout the country. However, a look at all types of mobilization, that remain on the street in all cities of the country; corroborates that this remains a largely peaceful demonstration.
The delivery of the conservative opposition leader Leopoldo Lopez, on February 18th, was a real "performance" to catapult your image as "new leader" of the Venezuelan opposition and be the center of the national protest movement. Their delivery was performed with a mass concentration at the border between the municipality of Libertador and Chacao, in Caracas. However, until today the dynamics of crowds in the street remains decentralized networks, with multiple centers. There are number of calls through the social networks like "pancartazos", "Do national prayers at the same time" and even "bailoterapias". Some, become viral and are assumed by much of the movement. Many opponents accustomed to vertical Leninist organization of the analog era, permanently demands that protests "have addresses" and "common requirements".
The government insists that it is facing a "coup", some say "repeats the script in April 2002" and others argue that it would be a "rolling coup". Nicolas Maduro called to confront the protesters on the street activating "Popular Commands antigolpe". However, the two demonstrations called in recent days by the government in the streets of Caracas, doesn't have the support and levels of call made by Hugo Chavez. While the middle and upper levels of government publicly expressed its support for the decisions of Maduro, the basis of Chavismo begins to resent the open crackdown on protesters, which has generated hundreds of images that flow through cell phones. Moreover, the president himself issued conflicting messages about the nature of the hypothetical threat that faces: Calling insistently celebrate carnivals, dancing in front of the cameras, (asking publicly in several opportunities); improve diplomatic relations with the United States, designating its representative to the International Monetary Fund, removing working credentials in Venezuela to CNN (which meant in fact the expulsion from the country), and within the 24 next hours, invite them to transmit again from the country.
Although International level, remains the informative media polarization about Venezuela, internally the country continue to suffer a major informative blackout. Nationwide television stations don't report about the demonstrations, nor broadcast live messages of political opposition leaders, while their screens are taken over by statements from publics officials. The government thought the conflict in analog terms, thinking that television concealment plus repression would be enough to silence the protests. Belatedly has initiated a crackdown on social networks, while Internet service, state-controlled, suffer irregular slowdowns and blockages in some of the most popular applications used by users such as Twitter and What'sApp.
The radicalization of the two main sides to the conflict, still doesn't make dialogue a majority requirement to resolve the crisis. President Maduro called the realization of a "National Peace Conference", but however, in parallel, his government (and himself), continue disqualifying as "right-wing fascist" the opponents, and its increasing the number of detainees throughout the country, which alleges torture, cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment during their detention. The number of killed people has increasing, injured by gunfire, tear gas and birdshot, increases the spiral of violence and resentment on both sides, doesn't leaving political channels the conflict resolution; payable the way for the military to assume ensure "governance" through a coup, either of trend of the Chavismo, or those who support to the opposition. The bizarre image of a retired general of the Venezuelan Army, Angel Vivas Perdomo, on the roof of his house showing a weapon of war (in the attempt to arrest him after being accused of masterminding the traps located in a "Guarimba" that caused one death in Caracas); have caused a storm of rumors about the alleged "malaise" within the Armed Forces. Plus this, there is series of looting of shops in several places in the country with such a coordination that sum too much suspicion.
The events are in full development: The photo of this moment can be completely different in the next 48 hours. We hope to continue to have internet to telling.
http://periodicoellibertario.blogspot.com
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Anarchist statement on the death of Hugo Chavez
Neither mourning nor celebrating: time for social struggles to become autonomous!
- Anarchist statement on the death of Hugo Chavez (March 4, 2013)
EL LIBERTARIO Editorial Collective When an illness becomes serious, when medical attention becomes a vehicle for myopic, politically motivated decisions and when a patient becomes drunk with power, it can only end this way.
The strongman has died, and in so doing, he has initiated a substantial shift in the Venezuelan political landscape. What used to be the regime‟s greatest strength has suddenly turned into its defining weakness: it was all Chávez, and, without him, the only solution is to fabricate an absolute commitment to his memory and his plans for succession.
The government‟s true fragility can now be seen, a government which tried to demonstrate its “popular, socialist” character via a grotesque personality cult, a practice that has now been reduced to the empty invocation of spirits. The deceased himself is to blame for this outcome as the secrecy around his illness was propelled by the same motivations as the extreme centralisation of power around him, while the lack of ideological coherence amongst his followers has left them scrapping for crumbs.
The high-level “rojo-rojito” [chavista red] bureaucrats and the upper echelons of the military are best placed to benefit, as they negotiate impunity for their various misdemeanours and corruptions. For the right-wing and social democratic opposition, the new situation finds them unable to overcome their losses of the presidential elections of October 7 and the regionals of December 16, offering a “yuppy populism” which promises voters that they will maintain and fine-tune the clientelist tools of governmental power which were so useful to Chavez.
This accommodation assumes the belief that a fortuitous metastasis has brought them within reach of the power that their greed, mistakes, laziness and incompetence had kept them away from, power they will wield with similar stupidity and greed as the Chavista bolibourgeoisie. The backdrop to this load of petty opportunism – from both the Gran Polo Patriótico [the Chavista coalition] and the Mesa de Unidad Democrática [the opposition coalition] – is Venezuela, a country that faces its own problems: out of control inflation, rising unemployment and precarious jobs, the devaluation of the currency, shocking personal insecurity, crises in electricity and water provision, education and health systems in decline, a housing shortage, obsolete – or incomplete – public works, a demagogic approach which pays attention to only the most extreme scarcities experienced by the most desperate people... a whole host of other problems which are equally disastrous. These issues are not the central concern of the two gangs in competition for Miraflores [the President palace/seat] and the oil booty.
Our collective response must be to not relent to their blackmail: support at the ballot box in exchange for „solutions‟ that either never materialise or are ludicrously inadequate. Now is the time to overpower the rotten powers that be and build – from below – a real democracy of equality, social justice and freedom. We must unleash the generalised anger caused by our suffering, and convert it into autonomous social struggles, self-managed and extensive. We must spell out for the politicians in power that we don‟t need them, neither as intermediaries nor as gracious givers of what we ourselves can construct – united and from the base – without any need for “clean hands” or “red berets”.
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Yukpa People
Etnia Yukpa
1.º Zulia Venezuela 7.515 (2001)
2.º Cesar Colombia 4.761 (2005)1
The Yukpa are an Amerindian people that lives in the mountain range of Perijá, in both side of the frontier between Colombia and Venezuela and speak a language branched north from the linguistic family of the Caribe. The colonist named them motilones 'shaven heads', although given name is ambiguous and it was also applied for other poeples, like the Barí, originated from the Chibcha. They are also refered with the names of Chaques, Macoitas and Irokas.
According to Carried, 2 the etymon of the word <<Yukpa>> is composed by tree morphemes: y-kʉ-pa, in which the prefix Y-("his/her") used as a intimate possessive noun, the morpheme kʉ, indicates male, and its sufix -pa, that expresses a more than human genre.
Territory
The former Yukpa territory extended from the valley of the river Cesar through the Maracaibo lake. Their lands limits have been reduced by the practice of the industrial mining, which then caused during the xx century a phenomena of massive malnutrition that provoked multiple cases of dwarfism, not present nowadays due to alimentary aid provided by the government organizations. Nevertheless, the Yukpa territory continues to be threaten by the carbon exploitation and by the colonization of the coca cultivation and other illegal cultivation.
At the present time the Yukpas live in the state of Zulia(Northwest of Venezuela), and in the Cesar department(Northeast of Colombia). They are located between the meridians 9°40′N 73°00′O y 10°35′N 72°30′O. By south they reach until the Becerril locality in Colombia and until the Tukuko river in Venezuela; by north, the population extends until the Chiriamo river and the population of San Jose of Oriente in the named range of Valledupa in Colombia, and until the affluent of the Apon river in Venezuela.
In Venezuela, the mayority of the comunities are found to be established in the Perija montain range, at an altitude between 150 until 1300 msmm. In Colombia their setlements can be found in the highest parts of the range, about 1900 msmm deep into the montain range.
It is estimated that the Yukpa population of Colombia reaches about 6000 individuals, according to the DUSAKAWI data, which compiles the 2008 information given by the local authorities of each province; and according to the projection of the 2001 census, it is calculated that the population of the Yukpa in Venezuela is about 10424 individuals.
Settlement
An extended uxorilocal family builds its settlement from 2 to 15 houses in a place where they can prevent attacks. The dwellings are rectangular of 4 by 3 m and its heights are about 2.5 m. The walls are fenced with yarumo, caña brava, bahareque y tablones, the roofs are made out of straw or palm sheets and their floor is the earth.
The settlement chief is the Kapeta. There is also a "tomaira" or ceremonial or signing organizer; and a tuano, tradicional medic and shaman. There is no central authority for groups, because each group is autonomous. Sometimes diferent groups are considered Yuko, enemies or savages.
The Yukpa establishment are conformed by a extended family, lead by a chief o cacique that will take charge of the decisions with the approval of the community, which are grouped by dwellings inhabited by a central families and their political autonomy; but as consequence of their multiple contacts with the occidental culture the settlements have dispersed and therefore divided, which difficult the transition of their ancestral knowledge to the youngsters of the community. Nevertheless, the Yukpas have accomplished to maintain great parts of their cultural identity with their language, their social, and economic organization and their religious believes, as well as their agricultural practices.
In Colombia, the yukpas are organized in their reservations. Each reservation has as authority a mayor council and each settlement in the reservation is lead by a minor council. In Venezuela, they are organized by pilot centers that are used to mobilize, trade, and receive aid from different gubernatorial services, such as health care, nutrition and education. Their social organization is formed by caciques or councils.
Economy
The Yukpas practice the itinerant horticulture; farm by the grace and burning system which makes them subject to the seasons. In march and April in a stepped form, the first year corn with beans, the second yucca and the third banana. They also sow sugar cane. This agriculture of grace and burn still is used as a principal activity for a living, complimented by the hunting, fishing, picking and incipient ranching. In the last tree decades it has been extended by all communities the cultivation of coffee, which is actually the one traded from their cooperatives in Machiques.
Yukpas hunt with different arrow sizes; fish with arpon or hook; recolect mollusc, insect and fruits. The man dedicate their time into building instruments, hunting and fishing and are in charge of the pottery labors. The woman deal with the sowing, the caring of the vegetable patch and also make incredible and colorful brickworks.
on the other hand, contemporary Yukpas are more conscious of their rights and maintain united in the defense of their territorial unity against the exploitation projects of carbon targeting their lands.
Marriage
Generally the marriage is fixed by the mothers. The husband acquire responsabilities with his father-in-law. They distinguish their crossbread cousing from the paralel one, cause the ideal matrimony is between corssbread, and it can not be celebrate a paralel one. The marriage is celebrated by a ritual, whom without it the children will only be the woman's one.
Yukpa resistance
The killing of Sabino Romero EL LIBERTARIO March 4, 2013
http://periodicoellibertario.blogspot.com
During the night of March 3, 2013 Yukpa Cacique Sabino Romero, well known for his defense of the rights of the Yukpa people, was assassinated on Chaktapa Highway, in the Sierra de Perijá (Zulia State).
Since November 13, 2003 when President Hugo Chavez, speaking at El Menito, Lagunillas, announced the increase in carbon exploitation to 36 million metric tons per year in the territories inhabited by different native ethnic groups, Sabino Romero was one of the people from indigenous communities that mobilized to protest the consequences their land would suffer due to the expansion of mega-mining in their region. Sabino’s struggle focused on obtaining the zoning and title to the indigenous territories, for which he put together different mobilizations in Zulia State as well as in Caracas, using different means of struggle, among them direct action and occupation of indigenous lands in the hands of cattle ranchers.
Sabino’s autonomy in the struggle was the motive for a strategy shared among all regional and national powers interested in the continuous exploitation of indigenous lands. In 2009 two communities, one of them Sabino’s, occupied a farm in Chaktapa, Zulia, to protest the slow pace of the zoning process. The national executive put in place a strategy to divide the occupiers, and in an obscure deed three natives were assassinated. That was the perfect excuse to take back the farm the military way and to criminalize Sabino Romero, who spent 18 months in prison accused of the homicide. While the ranchers accused him of cattle rustling, the regional private media stoked the dirty war against the indigenous struggle with the support of allies in Caracas: the Interior and Justice Minister Tareck El Aissami and the Indian Affairs Minister Nicia Maldonado.
While the bureaucratic Chavists distracted the indigenous struggle with delays, excuses and media spectacles every 12 of October, other Chavist sectors isolated Sabino and the Yukpa from the solidarity of other social movements and revolutionaries not dependent on Miraflores [TN: Venezuela’s “White House”]. On all fronts, this strategy was put in place by each and every one of the beneficiaries of an economy based primarily on the exportation of minerals and energy from the country.
The assassination of the Yukpa warrior is cloaked in official versions that distract attention from the real culprits. These versions count on the amplifying effect of the official newspaper Panorama, well known for its generous publicity of state enterprises PDVSA, Corpuzulia and Carbonzulia, and vouched for by political and military organisms, the same ones who have been trampling on the indigenous communities of Sierra del Perija with the complicity of the cattle ranchers of the area. It is very telling that the assassination plans Sabino denounced would be perpetrated in Zulia now that the state is under political control of the Bolivarians.
As is the case of other assassinated social fighters, the official media scandals will guarantee impunity. Sabino’s struggle was against the developmental model based on the extraction and commercialization of oil, gas and minerals for the world market, a role assigned to Venezuela by the economic globalization.
The deepening of the state’s oil capitalism hides its consequences to the environment and the peasant and indigenous communities.The real cause for the delays in the zoning and granting of indigenous land is that that’s where the mineral resources to be exported are located. That’s why Sabino’s struggle was against the model. That’s why they had to get him out of the way, no matter how. That’s why there are 13 murdered Yukpa, all of them unsolved till today. As was evident at the trial against the organizations that supported his fight (Homoetnatura and Provea) they had to take away whatever support he might get.
El Libertario will reject and denounce in every space we can reach the assassination of Sabino Romero, and will continue to broadcast the indigenous struggles as well as other autonomous social struggles in this country. Sabino joins the roster of fighters assassinated during the Bolivarian government for defending their rights, together with Mijail Martinez, Luis Hernandez, Richard Gallardo and Carlos Requena.
The only polarization we anarchists recognize is that between governors and governed, between the powerful and the weak, between bosses and workers, in general, between victims and perpetrators. Therefore we will ask nothing of the perpetrators, we expect nothing from their fake justice or the crocodile tears of the bureaucrats who empowered Sabino’s execution. Like yesterday, today and tomorrow, we will continue to mobilize with all those who struggle against the power, waiting for the day when the blood of our people will be vindicated.
Sources:
http://periodicoellibertario.blogspot.com/search/label/Sociedad%20Homo%20et%20Naturahttp://homoetnatura.blogspot.com
http://traducciondenoticias.blogspot.com/2013/08/the-yukpas.html
