Thursday, December 19, 2013

Wayuu sulü Suuria, parte 2, updated

Wayuu sulü Suuria 2012-10-27 12.38.1

Luego de pasar 10 años, la familia vuelve a organizar un funeral para la persona fallecida; en Wayuunaiki (Ayulaa Jiipü o Anaajawa), esta vez el ritual de los Wayuu es diferente del primero, ya que se trata de una exhumación del cadáver.

After 10 years the family of the deceased organizes another funeral; in Wayuunaiki terms meaning  (Ayulaa Jiipü o Anaajawa), the second funeral is different than the first one because the body is exhumed.

Lo primordial es buscar a la persona que se encargara de tomar los restos del ataúd quien deberá ser miembro de dicha familia, se busca un recipiente en donde será puesto los restos del muerto; dicho recipiente son las vasijas de barro (Amüchii) pero en la actualidad se utilizan cofres de mármol, luego deben asegurarse de poseer todo lo que se ofrendara a los espíritus (Yoolüja) que merodearan los alrededores durante el velorio; estos pueden ser: Chivos (Kaa’ulaa), Vacas (Pa’a), Ovejos (Anneerü);

The custom is to call the shaman of the family in charge of the ritual, the one who uses a sacred funeral casket made from mud (Amüchii) in order to seal the body in it. Nowadays, instead of mud(Amüchii) the Wayuu uses marble coffins with sacred animals in it as a tribute to the spirits (Yoolüja) for protection against those spirits that prowl in the surroundings during the vigil; these sacrificed animals have to be specific as they function as the compensation of life and death: therefore this sacred animals are the Goatees(Kaa’ulaa), the Cows(Pa’a), and the Lams(Anneerü).

Y la persona escogida para exhumar con sus manos los restos no podrá probar de la carne de cualquier animal antes mencionado sino chicha (Oujoolü) sin sabor, la persona que limpiara los restos no podrá tener contacto con su piel hasta haber pasado una semana después, la persona que recoge los restos del difunto no podrá dormir durante una noche para evitar que el espíritu de la persona exhumada lo haga caer en mal es decir corre el riesgo de morir;

There is  another Shaman whose duty is to work and carry the remains of the body, The Shaman can not eat flesh from any sacred animal but only rice milk(Oujoolü) without flavor, as a purification step for the ritual in order for the body to be immune of any attacks from any spirits that lurks for the spirit of the decease. The Shaman whose duty is to clean the remains can not have any contact with his/her own skin during the week of the exhumation, and the day of the exhumation the Shaman can not sleep, in dangers of being attacked by the spirits of those who want the spirit of the deceased, which in consequence can bring death, by contamination or curse, which in medical terms is contamination of any bacteria or virus, in tribal form is a precaution for the curse. Meaning that its ritualistic ways were also methodological steps employed from many generations ago who were not aware of what we already know today as bacteria, virus or any other complexity of dealing with the remains of bodies, so more, one could claim that there are more curses coming from contamination in hospitals, those hospitals that deal with a day and day sickness of a sick and unhealthy society, than they were in all the combined years of those rituals and cultural conventions, as we are now living the age of complexity and life in a rapid state of interaction and networking, easy for any bacteria or virus to be spread and curse us all, as we are not dealing with our most sacred state, which is to be involved protecting  nature and our internal  unconscious life, as we sometimes live to stress ourselves in order to achieve what the elders know and want us to understand.

Para evitar que esta persona duerma se le canta durante toda la noche el Jayechii y los acompañantes que están alrededor le hablan de historias y anécdotas del difunto cuando este se encontraba en vida. Luego de pasar el tiempo establecido para el segundo funeral, los restos guardados son llevados a su morada final la cual pertenece a la familia de dicho clan desde tiempos pasados.

The ritual is a very humanistic and spiritual way of dealing with our loved ones who became part of the land, part of their most personal memories, so much that in the ritual or process, the family sings songs related to the loved one called Jayechii, song as sacred as the Ave Maria or any religious song that gives respect to the soul, spirit and our own suffering or happiness, as the loved one is now in the process of a better and more universal life. The family also talks stories about the loved one and the Shaman, listening to their stories, the life of the one who is now being remembered and transcending to another level of life, guards the ways so the spirit of the loved one can travel to the sacred dimension of its other life. That method is more spiritual than material, but in the material level, the body is sealed in a sacred casket that will be its way of transportation to that sacred dimension.

Otras costumbres de los Wayuu son: El Baile o La Yonna que consiste en danzar de diferentes formas de acuerdo al estilo que anuncie el tambor (Kashaa), el hombre corre de espaldas perseguido por la mujer quien viene ataviada con su vestimenta (Ashempaala) y sus accesorios de oro y perlas (Kakuna) además del rostro pintado de acuerdo a la ocasión, el hombre viste de su wayuuwatei o wayuuko y su sombrero con estampas (kanasü) y plumas de aves reales.

Other customs of the Wayuu are: the sacred Dance or La Yonna, the dances have different styles according to the beat of the Drum(Kashaa), one begins with the man, dancing as an expression that deals with pain, happiness and other feelings and moving as his thoughts are in touch with those deepest and transcendent emotion of spiritual clarity and mysticism, the La Yonna has many complex moves and responsibilities. The woman's one while the man seeks for a more spiritual meaning, she also connects to him and share a mutual expression, dancing as trying to catch him the woman seeks him dressed with her unique sacred clothes (Ashempaala), wearing also the sacred Jewelry made from gold and Perls(Kakuna) as well as they paint their faces with sacred colors that resembles the more humanistic way to represent nature; the man traditional wearing are his sacred wayuuwatei o wayuuko, a specie of skirt, and his sacred stamped Hat(kanasü) as well as the sacred feathers who gives the one who wears it a more closest  touch with nature and a more internal state of mind. the sacred Dance or La Yonna is an expression coming from our most unconscious place in our minds as in the act one remembers the surrounding and ones own life, the teaching of the culture, the root of what makes everyone part of the land and our tangled complexity of points of view and freedom.

Wednesday, December 18, 2013

La Cultura Wayuu (Sukuwaitpaa Wayuu)

Fuente: http://planetaantropologico.com/la-cultura-wayuu-sukuwaitpaa-wayuu/

La Cultura Wayuu (Sukuwaitpaa Wayuu)

por Leo Fernández            

Publicado el dia 14, December , 2012 

La Cultura Wayuu (Sukuwaitpaa Wayuu)

Una de las etnias más numerosas de Venezuela y Colombia, también denominados ¨Guajiros¨ son los habitantes de la Península de la Guajira al extremo norte occidental de Venezuela y norte oriental de Colombia, frente al mar Caribe.

One of the more numerous etnies in Venezuela and Colombia, also called "Guajiros" are the habitants of the Guajira Peninsula, north-west Venezuela and north-east Colombia, front of Caribean sea.

Laaulaa-Wayuu-13489032872721

Los Wayuu gente de arena, sol y viento, personas guerreras y luchadoras que se han mantenido durante siglos, una de las pocas etnias indígenas que rehusó a desaparecer en la época de la conquista; aun en la actualidad sus costumbres se han mantenido sin perder detalle de los rituales ancestrales que poseen.

The Wayuu, people of the sand, sun and wind, warriors and fighters that have resisted through the centuries, one of the few etnies that refused to vanished in the conquistas era; nowadays their costumes have been maintained without losing any  details of their ancestral rituals.

Los Wayuu durante años se han tenido que adaptar a cambios que influyen sobre su cultura, la globalización creciente que ha surgido con el pasar del tiempo ha trasformado parte de ella, pero esta ha sabido adaptarse mediante la endoculturación que según términos antropológicos, es la forma en la que estas personas transmiten sus conocimientos y costumbres, desde niños son educados bajo la responsabilidad de la madre quien se encarga de transmitir su costumbre de forma oral; y el padre le enseña a ganarse la vida de la manera más honesta, que es mediante el trabajo.

During the years the Wayuu have had to adapt to changes that have influenced their culture, the rising globalization that has come through the passing years have transformed part of it, but it had found the way to adapt thorugh the endoculturacion, anthropological term that describes the way the Wayuu communicate their knowledge and their customes. When children Wayuu are taugh by their mothers who have the responsibility to educate them about their culture and knowledge in an storytelling way; their father is the one in charge of supporting their family economically by helping the family work the land among other kinds of labor.


Los Wayuu están organizados en Clanes; en el Wayuunaiki llamado (Eiiru’kü) los cuales llegan a ser 30, cada clan está representado por un símbolo animal totémico, cada una diferente de otra y cada familia se distribuye de acuerdo a su casta o clan; según un relato Wayuu, al comienzo de la tierra Dios; en el Wayuunaiki llamado (Ma’leiwa) no sabía cómo organizar a las personas que él había creado y, de pronto se le ocurre la idea de enviar a un ave y elige al zamuro para que fuera a la tierra para hablar con los Wayuu, y este no cumple con su mandado; Ma’leiwa molesto decide enviar a otro y escoge al U’utaa, quien al llegar a la tierra comienza a cantar fuertemente cada uno de los clanes que ahora existen y U’utaa se le ocurrió escribirlo sobre una roca para dejar constancia física de que si cumplió con su padre Ma’leiwa.

Their organization is through clanes; that social structure is denominated as the Wayuunaiki, called in their native language(Eiiru’kü) which can gather up to 30 clanes, each of the clanes is represented by a totemic animal symbol, differently from everyone, and each family is distributed according to their casta or clan. 

The Wayuu legend tells that from the beginning of times Ma’leiwa, a deity of the Wayuu, could not organize the people it had created and so it finds an emissary for the task, it chooses a zamuro in order to communicate its will to the Wayuu but the zamuro could not reach any communication; Ma’leiwa, angry at its decision, decides to reach for another entity and chooses U’utaa, whom once it arrives from the skies starts to sing strongly to each of the clanes, that medium was heard and U’utaa then writes it down a rock, as it completes with its task of organizing the clans into one, the Wayuu.

La roca mencionada se conoce con el nombre en Wayuunaiki de Ipaa Alaasü que puede encontrarse en la Guajira cerca de la serranía de Macuira (Alta Guajira)

This is the rock in which U’utaa writes its story

Wayuukana 2012-10-28 14.47.39

Una de las costumbres que se ha mantenido vigente en la cultura Wayuu es el ritual de la muerte; en el Wayuunaiki (Ouktaa) la cual conlleva a un conjunto de actos y símbolos que solo una determinada familia conoce su significado es decir la familia comprende el hecho que los lleva a practicar determinado ritual, ejemplo: En la muerte de un familiar víctima de su adversario, el difunto no puede ser vistos por los hombres de la familia; llámese padre, hermanos, primos, entre otros.

One of the rituals that still is venerated is the ritual of the dead; in the Wayuunaiki (Ouktaa) each family has its methods of dealing with their dead, and each has their symbols and acts that defines them.  for example; when an adversary kills a family member, the dead can not be seen by their family.

La muerte para el Wayuu consiste en que el alma (Sa’ain) abandona el cuerpo vivo y parte a otra tierra llamada (Jepiraa) que geográficamente se encuentra en la parte de Cabo de la Vela-Colombia; durante el funeral, el cuerpo es velado durante varios días en medio de un conjunto de costumbres que son llevado a cabo desde tiempos pasados; como lo son, el llanto fuerte de las mujeres, el sacrificio de ganado y cabras (Kaa’ulaa), la repartición de alimentos a las personas que lleguen de tierras lejanas, el canto del Wayuu (Jayechii) para despedir el alma de la persona.

Death for a Wayuu means the spirit (Sa’ain) leaving the decaying body to a land called (Jepiraa) located in the hearth of the jungle; during the funeral, the body is velado for some days were woman scream their sorrow and chant their goodbyes, and there are also offerings to the deities, meaning scarifies of some cows and goats (Kaa’ulaa). Food is prepared for the whole family and close relatives that come from the foreign lands, and when everyone is there they begin the Wayuu chant (Jayechii) in order to 


Todo esto con el fin de acompañar el alma a tomar su camino hacia Jepiraa, el ganado y las cabras representan los animales (Mürüt) que esta persona pastoreara en la nueva tierra de los muertos.

All this with the purpose that its spirit, once in the promise land Jepiraa, it has its goats and cows that represent the entities (Mürüt), which are what the animals that the Wayuu farms.

Tuesday, September 24, 2013

Indigineous from Caura wait for the castrence abuse to cease

Taken from: http://periodicoellibertario.blogspot.com/2013/09/indigenas-del-caura-esperan-cese-de.html

Indigineous from Caura wait for the castrence abuse to cease


Natalie García


The Sanema and Yek’uana etnies, who inhabit the minig area of Caura, are alarmed and expecting things to change in the next few days. The illegal minning, and the presumed abuse from some of the military officers, have worried the comunities and organization that protect the indegenous right from any kind of abuse or gubernamental negligence.

The fear of those who suffer from the abuse is that there could be a confrontation and it can lead to a critical and violent resolution. The fundation Kuyujani and Medewadi warns that the situation is in "critical conditions", and even though there have been complains and denunciations in the media and personal visits to the Capital(Caracas), to central popular organisms, there have been no answer and no solution to the problem.

Spokepersons of the organizations consider the last events, as the death of an indegenous by the hand of a miner, to be the preface of a "timed-bomb" that can burst in any given moment.

Ramón Tomedes, president of Medewadi, comented that the indegenas are losing their patience and it can be a problem, cause in any moment they can rebel against those represive forces and against abuses sustained by the miners, and violently protest for a better and fair treatment by defending their territory and their livelyhood.

"This situation is terrible, horrible. There is a lot of gasoline traffic, the mine has been more active than before and the military officers in charge are letting the miners to do their illegal activities as if it is suppose to be instead of protecting the indegenous and their livelyhood, to only do their duties when there are meetings in which the miners and indegenous get together. It is necesary to stop the abuses comited against the indegenous" and the enviroment.

Tomedes thinks, and it is an affirmation, that little by little there is a "genocide" of indegenous. The miners throught their practices are contaminating and "killing" with viruses and their diseases aboriginals, whom their situations is vulnerable.

In Cauca, located eight hours by road from Puerto Ordaz and other long hours from river - depending of the area -, the comunities only comunicate throught via fluvial, and the lack of medical assistance and lack of supervition disables any control to prevent infections or any sexual trasmited deaseas.

Las organizaciones nuevamente llaman a las autoridades y entes competentes a involucrarse en el problema y ofrecer soluciones al problema minero y a los atropellos de algunos funcionarios militares.

The organizations are constantly calling the authorities and competent entities to get involve in the problem and offer somekind of assistance to the mining problem and the abuses perpetrated by some of the military officers.

Extraído de http://correodelcaroni.com/index.php/regional/item/2066-indigenas-del-caura-esperan-cese-de-abusos-castrenses/2066-indigenas-del-caura-esperan-cese-de-abusos-castrenses

Sanema


Monday, September 9, 2013

Armas quimicas en Siria?

Un detallado resumen de las evidencias de municiones ligados a los ataques de Agosto 21.

Articulo traducido del Blog: The Brown Moses
linkhttp://brown-moses.blogspot.com/2013/09/a-detailed-summary-of-evidence-on.html

Desde los presuntos ataques quimicos el 21 de Agosto en Damasco, He trabajado para recojer todas las posibles evidencias relacionadas al ataque para compartirlas en este blog. Este articulo resume la evidencia recogida hasta ahora, ademas de examinar algunas declaraciones hechas sobre el ataque. Todo esto esta creado para debatir en la seccion de comentarios, se debe aclarar que la "evidencia" no es lo mismo que "pruebas" al debatir la informacion.

Que tipo de municiones han sido usadas en el ataque?

Una cosa que es necesaria entender es que las municiones usadas en los ataques quimicos estan diseñadas para disipar el agente, y como los agentes quimicos en general son sensitivos al calos, las explosiones grandes no son el mecanismo ideal para hacer eso. En muchos casos una carga pequeña es usada, y esto significa que uno puede encontrar significantes restos de municiones luego de usadas en un ataque quimico.

M14 140mm cohete de artilleria

Luego del ataque, restos de solo dos municiones han sido grabadas por los activistas en Damascus. La primera, un lanzador de cohete de artilleria M14 140mm (y sus variantes), fue filmado en Medmah al-Sham en Damascos, y la grabacion hecha por los activistas muestra a los inspectores tomando medidas y muestras de la municion. El resto de la municion mostrada en el video esta apenas dañada, con solo su cabeza explosiva y su conector posiblemente usados. Esto puede significar, como una cabeza explosiva carga 2.2kg de Sarin, pero tambien debe ser aclarado que tambien hay humo de la cabeza explosiva en la municion. Asi como ambas municiones estan ligadas al ataque quimico, algo que solo los agentes de la UN podran clarificar si es que o no las municiones llevaban algun tipo de agente quimico. Solo un ejemplo de este cohete de artilleria fue grabado y puesto en linea, es ademas desconocido si hay ejemplos en el sitio de ataque. Mas detalles del M14 140mm y su identificacion pueden ser encontrados aqui.

La segunda municion ligada al posible ataque quimico esta en documentada en la foto de arriba.

Lo extremadamente interesante acerca de esta municion es que hay algo que parece unico en este conflicto. He hablado con un numero de especialistas de armas belicas y quimicas, y no reconocen este especifico tipo de municion. Por la relevancia de este articulo, y para salvarme de escribir la "municiones no identificadas ligadas al ataque quimico" repetidamente, me voy a referir con esta abrebiacion MNILAQ (municiones no identificadas ligadas al ataque quimico).

Hay dos tipos de formas de entender este tipo de municiones en el contexto alegado por el uso de armas quimicas en Siria; cuales son las municiones y su uso en el conflicto.

Trabajando con un numero de especialistas en este tipo de armas, hemos tratado de crear una foto del como se ven estas MNILAQ. Aparenta ser de que hay dos tipo de estas municiones, una; las cabezas explosivas que explotan, la otra, la desconocida que no explotan y estan ligadas al alegado ataque quimico.  Me voy a referir abrebiandolas como MNILAQ-E (explosivas) y MNILAQ-D (desconocidas).

Porque crees que hay dos posibles tipos de MNILAQ?

Un numero de videos puestos en linea muestran como las MNILAQ, y que estaba en estos dos videos, uno de Khalidiyah, Homs, el 2 de Agosto. y el segundo de el Campamento Sbeineh, Damasco, el 29 de Agosto. En ambos videos, la carga, un polvo amarillo, explosivo, fallo en explotar. Podemos ver como los dos comparten el mismo escrito en negro, y la base de la cabeza explosiva tiene un hoyo en esta, significante cuando se ven las MNILAQ-D.



Como mencionado anteriormente, una carga explosiva puede crearle daño masivo a la municion, y como podemos ver en los videos arriba, hay una cantidad significante de explosivo dentro de las municiones, asi que se esperarian pocos restos de la municion si hubiese sido detonada.

Ahora vamos a ver las imagenes del ataque de las MNILAQ-D del 21 de Agosto



Dañadas como estan, claramente no han sido usadas como las MNILAQ-E debido a que en los videos mostrados se ve el daño que pueden causar y la explosion que pueden ejercer. En todas la imagenes de las MNILAQ-D, podemos ver como la seccion de las cabezas de guerra estan intactas, y no hay señal de este polvo amarillo en los videos donde se usaron MNILAQ-E.

Tambien hay dos diferencias notables entre las MNILAQ-D y las MNILAQ-E. Primero, los multiples ejemplos de que las MNILAQ-D tienen numeraciones rojas, opuestas a las MNILAQ-E que tienen numeraciones negras.


En la base de la cabeza explosiva tambien vemos estos dos huecos, en ves de un solo hueco que tienen las MNILAQ-E


Estos huecos son una de las cuantas teorias e ideas que estan siendo exploradas acerca de las municiones. Estan incluyen:

-El segundo hueco en las MNILAQ-D ser un puerto de relleno para rellenar la cabeza de guerra.
-Las marcasiones coloradas indicando el tipo de carga: amarillas con rayas negras para las MNILAQ-E.
-Las MNILAQ-E tienen un motorde cohete mas largo puesto que la carga es mas pesada.

Como son lanzadas las MNILAQ?

Una semana luego del alegado ataque quimico en Damasco, los siguientes videos fueron  puestos en linea, donde aparentemente aparecen uno de las MNILAQ siendo cargada y lanzada.


Aqui podemos ver como la municion esta propulsada por el cohete, y lanzada por un tubo de lanzamiento.
El experto en armas Nic Jenzen-Jones describe en su blog que este lanzador Falaq tipo-2 es de procedencia Irani. Hay tambien algunos datos interesantes que resaltar: parece que tienen una banda amarilla en la cola de la municion, que posiblemente indica ser del tipo explosivo(como descrito anteriormente), y la seccion de la cola parece significantemente mas grande que las MNILAQ-D, ademas de que son mas grandes que las personas presentes, mientras que las colas de la MNILAQ-E tienen una altura relativa al hombro de la persona. Otra cosa muy importante, en este punto del video, es que el hombre de la chaqueta roja parece apretar algo en la base del plato. Sera esto relacionado con el hueco en la base del plato que hemos visto en los dos tipo de MNILAQ?

El diseño de este tipo de municiones deberia ser analizado, ya que es altamente inusual y distinto, asi que incluso de distancia son notables. Por ejemplo, en la imagen de Noviembre del  2012, vemos como otro lanzador tipo Falaq-2 parece tener a un lado la seccion de la cola de una MNILAQ extendida por atras.


Que lado esta usando las MNILAQ ?

Una cosa que se debe entender es que este tipo de municiones no solo estan ligadas al ataque del 21 de Agosto. Desde Enero del 2013 han habido un numero de imagenes de este tipo de municiones posteadas en linea, no siempre ligadas al alegado ataque quimico (Algo razonable ya establecidos a los dos tipos de municiones), pero siempre mostrando el mismo diseño, y en todos estos ejemplos aseguran que fueron usadas por los militares Sirios encontra de la opocision Siria. He aqui un video por fecha y localizacion.

mirar el blog: Brown Moses para videos: http://brown-moses.blogspot.com/2013/09/a-detailed-summary-of-evidence-on.html

January 4th Daraya - Unknown type
June 11th Adra
August 2nd Khalidiya, Homs - UMLACA-HE
August 5th Yabroud - Unknown type
August 5th Adra - UMLACA-UK
August 5th Adra - UMLACA-UK
August 5th Adra - UMLACA-UK
August 21st Eastern Ghouta - Rocket 197 - UMLACA-UK
August 21st Eastern Ghouta - Rocket 197 - UMLACA-UK
August 21st Eastern Ghouta - Rocket 197 - UMLACA-UK
August 21st Eastern Ghouta - UMLACA-UK
August 21st Zamalka - UMLACA-UK

En todos menos el del 4 de Enero en Daraya y el 2 de Agosto en Homs los videos estan descriptos como municiones de armas quimicas. En el caso de los 3 videos tomados en Adra el 5 de Agosto, estan ligados directamente al ataque llevado el mismo dia, con videos de las victimas mostrando los mismos sintomas. Hable con un doctor en Damascos que asegura haber tratado a las victimas del ataque del 21 de Agosto y del 5 de Agosto, y rectifica que los sintomas son los mismo en ambos ataques.

El sigiente video puede tambien mostrar las misma municion lanzada, desde estacion ferrea de Qadam en Damasco, actualmente en control de las fuerzas de gobierno Siria.


He tomado tres acercamientos de las municiones tomadas por el video y las he colocado lado a lado.



Como pueden ver el perfil de las municiones se ven similares a las MNILAQ, ciertamente podemos ver dos secciones, con la seccion de la cabeza de guerra siendo mas ancha que la de la seccion del cohete, y la proporcion de la cabeza del cohete siendo lo que suponemos ver.
Dicho anteriormente, esta municion se distinge facilmente, y no conosco otro tipo de cohete en ningun lado del arsenal que tenga la misma forma.

Asi que en el lado del gobierno en posteado todo lo que posiblemente tienen, pero que tipo de evidencia tiene la opocicion de Siria de estas municiones? al tanto de lo que se, no existe ninguna. He rastreado, usando varios medios, las armas y municiones de los dos lados del conflicto por mas de 18 meses, y nunca he visto que la opocision Siria usen este tipo de armas. Si tienen este tipo de armamento, porque las esconden, ademas del porque crear un cañon infernal, tipo hazlo-tu-mismo mortero, y la pistola Sayidna Omar, una version mas grande que el cañon infernal, cuando tienen acceso a un tipo de municion superior?

Como sabemos que estas son armas quimicas?

Esa es la cosa, no sabemos. Estas municiones estan vinculadas con un alegado ataque quimico, ademas de que no fueron usadas municiones quimicas en los ataques quimicos. Por ultimo, es la conclusion de la UN que debe confirmar si fueron usadas armas quimicas, y si ese es el caso las municiones de arriba, son las unicas vinculadas al ataque. Una de las pocas cosas que podemos estar seguro es que no es un agente persistente, de lo contrario la gente que ha filmado y fotografiado este tipo de municiones estuviesen muertos. Hay una discucion acerca de que si fueron o no usadas municiones de ECA (Explosivos de combustible aereo), pero depende de que confirme la UN si fueron o no usadas municiones quimicas. De hecho, el siguiente video del 28 de Agosto muestra a los mienbros del equipo de la UN tomando muestras del lugar donde cayo uno de los MNILAQ-D.


Entonces, que ha pasado con el video donde los rebeldes disparan armas quimicas?

El video asegura que luego del 21 de Agosto, la opocision Siria es la que esta disparando armas quimicas.


En algunas versiones del video muestran atacando, algo que es imposible ya que fue filmado de dia, y originalmente posteado hace mas de un mes, Lo que estamos viendo previamente es el mencionado cañon infernal, un tipo de mortero haslo-tu-mismo que ha sido usado extensamente por la opocision de Siria por mas de algunos meses ya. El grupo que originariamente enzamblo el mortar tambien creo un video promocional, mostrando el como lo construia y el como las llenaban de un fertilizante hazlo-tu-mismo basado en explosivos.


Puede que la opocision Siria haya estado llenando los morteros con armas quimicas, pero no hay evidencia de eso, solo declaraciones en los videos de youtube, y estos no significan nada sin algun tipo de evidencia actual que los respalde.

Que entonces del video que muestra a los rebeldes dando ordenes para usar el quimico Sarin?

Otro video que ha rodado por la internet es este mismo, que asegura como la opocision ordena el uso de Sarin


Este es la copia del video producido por Liwa-al-Islam, su logo esta en la parte izquierda de la esquina. Es imposible demostrar que su sonido es autentico ya que el video no es el original del video. La cuenta de Youtube de Liwa-al-Islam tiene una terrible tendencia de ser censurados y cerrados por Youtube, asi que el encontrar una copia original del video es imposible, pero su alguien lo tiene, y quiere probar que el video es genuino, por favor haganme saber.

He escuchado que fue un accidente, que tal eso?

La prensa Mint ha reportado que testigos le han dicho que los ataque quimicos han sido el resultado en un accidente luego de la militantes de la opococion accidentalmente explotaron una carga de armas qu eran suministradas por los de Arabia Saudita. Les pregunte a un numero de especialistas que me dieran su opinion acerca de este angulo de la historia, y se han visto poco convincentes, y esta tambien la pregunta del como un accidente ha podido afectar una area tan extensa, pero fallar lugares entre las areas afectadas?

Mas articulos del tema de los ataque del 21 de Agosto pueden enconrarse aqui, y otro articulo acerca del uso de las armas quimicas y Siria, incluyendo entrevistas altamente informativas sobre los especialistas en armas quimicas pueden encontrarse aqui.

Para contactar al autor Twitter @brown_moses o por email al brownmoses@gmail.com.

Thursday, August 22, 2013

Exploitation of Yasuni natural park


From: http://periodicoellibertario.blogspot.com/2013/08/ecuador-gobierno-decide-explotar.html

Ecuador: gobierno decide explotar petróleo en Yasuni, indígenas anuncian resistencia

Ecuador: Goverment decides to exploit oil in Yasuni, Aboriginals announce resistance.

#Ecuador: Today the jungle cries, the Waorani cryies, the Kichwa cries, the Shuar cries, the Yasuni cries, Ecuador cries. The government had decided to exploit oil in the natural reserve even though it was publicly denied, under the already extincted initiative #Yasuni-ITT.

The Aboriginals organizations of the country gathered  in the Conaine, Pachakutik and Ecuarunari and announced the mobilizations of protest because the president of Ecuador, Rafael Correa had decided to exploit the existed oil in the Yasuni national park.

Yesterday, Carlos Perez, president of the Ecuarunari solicited the government to do a popular assembly so "the people can decide the future of the natural reserve, unique in the world" and in the chance that the popular assembly is bypassed and it is decided to exploit the Yasuni-ITT, "the government mask will drop and their ambientalist rhetoric will be useless and their green color will have to change, to the other green one". Before this announcements Perez foretold that legal actions will be taken if the government decides to exploits the reserve of Ishpingo-Tambococha-Tiputini  and that there will be some mobilizations beginning this 27 of August "as a warning".

The ecological project wanted to keep 846 million of barrels of oil in natural resources that are under a majestic and unique ecosystem, one of the riches in the world, unless the international community could give them, the Ecuadorian government, a sum of $3600 millions, the half of what they could produce. According to Ivonne Baki, project organizer, it was only given $367 millions. A proper answer to this fanatical world of oil dependency and the destruction of our ancient natural world as we know it, for only the entry to a more electronic, silliconized one, one full of garbage and corruption, were the millions the country can take have filters and only the half of it will be use to develop a sustainable country, the other will be use for personal reasons and politics.



With some data from cre.ec

Yasuni Park site: http://www.yasuni-itt.gob.ec/inicio.aspx

Related news: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-latin-america-23722204

Thursday, August 8, 2013

The Yukpas


Yukpa People

Yukpa
Etnia Yukpa


1.º Zulia Venezuela 7.515 (2001)
2.º Cesar Colombia 4.761 (2005)1

The Yukpa are an Amerindian people that lives in the mountain range of Perijá, in both side of the frontier between Colombia and Venezuela and speak a language branched north from the linguistic family of the Caribe. The colonist named them motilones 'shaven heads', although given name is ambiguous and it was also applied for other poeples, like the Barí, originated from the Chibcha. They are also refered with the names of Chaques, Macoitas and Irokas.

According to Carried, 2 the etymon of the word <<Yukpa>> is composed by tree morphemes: y-kʉ-pa, in which the prefix Y-("his/her") used as a intimate possessive noun, the morpheme kʉ, indicates male, and its sufix -pa, that expresses a more than human genre.


1 Territory
2 Settlement
3 Economy
4 Marriage
5 Look also
6 References
7 External link

Territory


The former Yukpa territory extended from the valley of the river Cesar through the Maracaibo lake. Their lands limits have been reduced by the practice of the industrial mining, which then caused during the xx century a phenomena of massive malnutrition that provoked multiple cases of dwarfism, not present nowadays due to alimentary aid provided by the government organizations.  Nevertheless, the Yukpa territory continues to be threaten by the carbon exploitation and by the colonization of the coca cultivation and other illegal cultivation.

At the present time the Yukpas live in the state of Zulia(Northwest of Venezuela), and in the Cesar department(Northeast of Colombia). They are located between the meridians 9°40′N 73°00′O y 10°35′N 72°30′O.  By south they reach until the Becerril locality in Colombia and until the Tukuko river in Venezuela; by north, the population extends until the Chiriamo river and the population of San Jose of Oriente in the named range of Valledupa in Colombia, and until the affluent of the Apon river in Venezuela.

In Venezuela, the mayority of the comunities are found to be established in the Perija montain range, at an altitude between 150 until 1300 msmm. In Colombia their setlements can be found in the highest parts of the range, about 1900 msmm deep into the montain range.

It is estimated that the Yukpa population of Colombia reaches about 6000 individuals, according to the DUSAKAWI data, which compiles the  2008 information given by the local authorities of each province; and according to the projection of the 2001 census, it is calculated that the population of the Yukpa in Venezuela is about 10424 individuals.

Settlement


An extended uxorilocal family builds its settlement from 2 to 15 houses in a place where they can prevent attacks. The dwellings are rectangular of 4 by 3 m and its heights are about 2.5 m. The walls are fenced with yarumo, caña brava, bahareque y tablones, the roofs are made out of straw or palm sheets and their floor is the earth.

The settlement chief is the Kapeta. There is also a "tomaira" or ceremonial  or signing organizer; and a tuano, tradicional medic and shaman. There is no central authority for groups, because each group is autonomous. Sometimes diferent groups are considered Yuko, enemies or savages.

The Yukpa establishment are conformed by a extended family, lead by a chief o cacique that will take charge of the decisions with the approval of the community, which are grouped by dwellings inhabited by a central families and their political autonomy; but as consequence of their multiple contacts with the occidental culture the settlements have dispersed and therefore divided, which difficult the transition of their ancestral knowledge to the youngsters of the community. Nevertheless, the Yukpas have accomplished to maintain great parts of their cultural identity with their language, their social, and economic organization and their religious believes, as well as their agricultural practices.

In Colombia, the yukpas are organized in their reservations. Each reservation has as authority a mayor council and each settlement in the reservation is lead by a minor council. In Venezuela, they are organized by pilot centers that are used to mobilize, trade, and receive aid from different gubernatorial services, such as health care, nutrition and education. Their social organization is formed by caciques or councils.

Economy


The Yukpas practice the itinerant horticulture; farm by the grace and burning system which makes them subject to the seasons. In march and April in a stepped form, the first year corn with beans, the second yucca and the third banana. They also sow sugar cane. This agriculture of grace and burn still is used as a principal activity for a living, complimented by the hunting, fishing, picking and incipient ranching. In the last tree decades it has been extended by all communities the cultivation of coffee, which is actually the one traded from their cooperatives in Machiques.

Yukpas hunt with different arrow sizes; fish with arpon or hook; recolect mollusc, insect and fruits. The man dedicate their time into building instruments, hunting and fishing and are in charge of the pottery labors. The woman deal with the sowing, the caring of the vegetable patch and also make incredible and colorful brickworks.

on the other hand, contemporary Yukpas are more conscious of their rights and maintain united in the defense of their territorial unity against the exploitation projects of carbon targeting their lands.

Marriage


Generally the marriage is fixed by the mothers. The husband acquire responsabilities with his father-in-law. They distinguish their crossbread cousing from the paralel one, cause the ideal matrimony is between corssbread, and it can not be celebrate a paralel one. The marriage is celebrated by a ritual, whom without it the children will only be the woman's one.

Look also


Idioma yukpa
Sabino Romero
Referencias[editar · editar fuente]

References


↑ "Yukpa del Perijá, cazadores, recolectores, agricultores". Ministerio de Cultura de Colombia, 2010.
↑ Carriage, Pierre: "Contribuciones sobre los Yukpa, un grupo indígena del noroeste de Colombia". 1979)
↑ a b c d e Jaramillo Gómez, Orlando 1987: "Yuko-Yukpa"; Introducción a la Colombia Amerindia: 75-82. Bogotá: Instituto Colombiano de Antropología. ISBN 958-612-051-1
↑ a b Equipo de Investigación Lingüística Yukpa (2009) "Situación Sociolingüística del Yukpa". CIGE.
↑ Ruddle, Keneth y Johannes Wilbert 1983: "Los Yukpa"; Los Aborígenes de Venezuela. Vol. II: 32-124. Fundación La Salle / Monte Avila Editores. Caracas.

External link


http://periodicoellibertario.blogspot.com/search/label/Sociedad%20Homo%20et%20Natura
http://homoetnatura.blogspot.com/

Monday, July 29, 2013

The fear of Sabino's assassins

Source:
This post has been edited, it is not the same one, it is similar, but it was taken from the one above.

The fear of Sabino's assassins


Sociedad Homo et Natura

Fear and terror is not only felt by the Yukpa noways, it comes back the year the city was being built by the Canary Island descendants. In the year of 1872 some troops, commanded by Venancio Pulgar, started to burn the Villa, a territory where Yukpas lived, by 1890 their territory was stolen in the name of "progress" and a "more civilized" culture, and of course power.

Although it is a constant and painful fear, the cards are turning around, fear is now being felt by the ranchers who inherited the stolen lands, whom they are now facing trials for their terror methods, organized crime and the murder of Yukpas. One of the Yukpas killed was Sabino Romero.

The family structure of the ranchers is a closed minded one, they think they are above the law and that the murder of social leaders or Yukpas is not a big deal as long as they support the same law they brake. Those rancher are using all their power in order to keep that stolen land theirs, and with some criminal and indirect methods they send to kill any Yukpa leader who defy them, or corrupt them through gifts like some cows, goats and money.

Moreover, those methods have consequences and the Yukpas aren't falling for it anymore and are being moved by the lost of their leader who died for their land, the libertarian Sabino, a leader who spark hopes into the minds and spirits of the Yukpas.

Plan to exterminate the Sabino's family

The ranchers wont forgive Sabino and the resistance struggle he died for, because nowadays there are organizations that are fighting among the Yukpas rights, making sure the law is respected.

That Yukpa's resistance for their land is also a psychological struggle, because Yukpas who have been corrupted by the treasures of the city, given some power and some kind of social status, are also against those who fight for their land. It is true what some say, if you can beat them join them, and for 123 years, some Yukpas could not resist the temptations of a global culture and their treasure and joined the other side of the struggle, sometimes by being tricked, selling their land for some momentary necessities, or their lack of knowledge in terms of laws.

In addition to the rancher's psychological side, where it seem that their minds are filled with racism and classicism, where the police and military are used to do their dirty work, thinking their status of opulence, power, and impunity for 123 years has been compromised by the Yukpas resistance struggle, fear is what they have encounter, because they know that in their perijanero being, their richness comes from their stolen land and the abuses they have made to keep it that way.

They also knew this struggle would reach a point but didn't know how, when or where.

It was Sabino, his people and the organizations who in solidarity with the Yukpas struggle were growing to a point where now any social leader, or Human Rights agent, or any activist knows about the Yukpa lands and Yukpa rights. A legend that Sabino and his people were bringing back into reality, Guaicaipuro himself, the one who fought against the invasion of the colonist back in 1592.

Sabinos death and some speculations.

Sabino was found dead on the 3rd of March, his struggle made him a lot of enemies, one of them was the Yukpa chief of Tukuko Alfonso Isnopa, one that had contacts with the ranchers and the officials. Some speculations say that 600 thousand bolivares were paid to hit-men and the police in order to kill Sabino, a Yukpa leader who wanted union instead of the division Alfonso Isnopa is promoting.

This speculation has formed a controversy among the Irapa who don't want Alfonso Isnopa to represent them, dividing into other kinds of centers were they are protected by the government, who later can then be transformed into communes.

Then catch is that any tribe that is not in those centers wont get any credits, schools, roads and other aid. If Chiquitin, a Yukpa leader*, would have been able to win 64 Yukpa communities, this division would not happen, but for now, 6 fractions have been created and Isnopa got the Tukuko one, plus other two communities.

kidnapping and witness murder

Since one of the most wanted hit-man was captured by the special anti extortion and kidnapping force, a wave of violence as been released. A special witness was murdered, a cop named Ronald Petit and his son were murdered, and two kidnapping were committed, one that lasted 24 hours the other 21 days. The rumors said that they did not pay the hit-man who is in a criminal group called the Midgets of Aponte Aponte. But this kidnappings were planted in order to divert their attention to Sabino's sons.

All that time was sufficient to criminalize Sabino's tree sons but it was evident that its origins were made by the ranchers, the police and some public ministry attorneys. In the future, when the people around the cities start to care more about this kind of injustices, this would not be that common, but first it has to start by forming a strong Yukpa community and protecting the laws that were made to protect the Yukpa lands and rights.